Aafreen Husain from Kolkata
The “foundation” of a Babri mosque in Murshidabad organised by Murshidabad MLA Humayun Kabir has triggered an unexpected political storm in Bengal.
The debate, however, is not truly about the mosque. It is about the politics that the mosque enables. And that is why this entire episode is being viewed less as an expression of religious sentiment and more as a calibrated attempt to undercut Mamata Banerjee’s traditional Muslim vote base.
The Opposition has accused Kabir of receiving foreign funding charges he swiftly dismissed. Yet, in politics, suspicion often carries more weight than truth. Kabir seems well aware of that, and has used it to reposition himself strategically within the state’s political chessboard.
**The ISF–AIMIM Factor:
A New Coalition or a New Auction House for the Muslim Vote?** Sources suggest that the Indian Secular Front (ISF) has reached out to Kabir, while discussions of potential seat-sharing with AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi are already underway.
These developments point to one thing: the mosque controversy may simply be the visible tip of a much deeper political repositioning within Bengal’s Muslim-majority districts.
The key questions now are:
Is Kabir’s move designed to fracture Mamata Banerjee’s hold over Muslim voters? Are ISF, AIMIM and Kabir crafting a new front to challenge the TMC in minority pockets?
Was the Babri issue revived deliberately to stir emotios and shift votes away from the ruling party?
In Bengal, this is a familiar playbook: “Inflame sentiments, harvest votes.”
**But the Public Asks:
Who Will Lay the Foundation of Our Future?** Across minority-dominated districts, including Murshidabad, the reality is stark: inadequate schools, too few colleges, poor hostel facilities and a near-absence of modern technical institutions.
In this context, the public’s questions are pointed and justified: Why did the urgency to build a mosque suddenly outweigh the urgency to build educational institutions?
Have education, employment and healthcare become irrelevant? Does community progress begin at a mosque—or in a classroom?
Will Murshidabad’s children secure degrees, or will they merely inherit the political noise created in their name?
The irony is sharp: If Kabir truly wished to strengthen the foundations of the community, why not begin with a college instead of a mosque?
**Humayun Kabir’s Political Reinvention: Is ‘Babri’ His Relaunch?**
After being expelled from the TMC, Kabir announced the formation of his own political outfit. The timing is telling—his party declaration and the Babri “foundation ceremony” emerged almost simultaneously.
Naturally, this fuels suspicion: Is this a religious initiative or a political rebranding exercise? Is the mosque merely the first brick of Kabir’s new political headquarters?
Is ‘Babri’ being used as an emotional tool to revive his political stature?
For many, the answers appear obvious.
Will Bengal’s Muslims Fall Into the Same Trap Again? This moment is not merely a political test; it is a social one. The Muslim electorate of Bengal must now decide:
Will emotional politics overshadow the demand for real development? Will they continue to support leaders who appear only with sentimental symbols but disappear when schools and hospitals are needed? Will they ask why their districts still lack jobs, colleges and healthcare?
The larger question remains:
Is ‘Babri’ truly the issue of Bengal’s Muslims—or simply a shortcut for politicians seeking to expand their vote-bank? Humayun Kabir’s move is not just a religious gesture. It is a direct political challenge to Mamata Banerjee’s Muslim vote base.
But the real challenge lies before the community itself: Will it vote on emotion or on a vision for the future?